On Monday April 22, 2019, the Supreme Court of the United States has agreed to hear three cases which seek rulings on whether sexual orientation, transgender status, and transitioning status are protected under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act after years of courts and government agencies taking conflicting positions on this landmark issue. The
In an impassioned speech in Brussels this October, Tim Cook, the CEO of Apple, threw his weight behind a federal privacy law, denouncing the data collection practices engaged in by his fellow technological giants such as Google and Facebook. While it is not new for tech companies to push for stronger privacy laws, the renewed impetus for the movement
….animal advocates should focus on changing the substantive law protecting animals—the procedural law should be much less of a focus.
The skepticism as to the reliability of information acquired from social media as evidence in a motion for summary judgment or at trial appears to be often misplaced. Although social media evidence does pose problems related to identifying the true author of a post, the accessibility to direct information regarding an individual’s personal thoughts and ideas that social media provides is extremely valuable.
Cryptocurrencies undoubtedly hold a lot of speculation in terms of value and regulation alike. Not only does the new form of currency give promise of expanding growth but the high volatility and criminal concerns lead politicians to seek possible legislative matters to combat these ills and fully effectuate the benefits that digital currency provides. Therefore, regulation may demonstrate to be a complement to the propagation of the technology rather than its kryptonite.
The seriousness of the crime of swatting may increase as technology and online services that allow perpetrators to keep their identity and location anonymous become more widely available. Improving current investigative and prosecutorial approaches to swatting will better ensure that Finch’s death is the first and only fatality that results from the offense.
Clearly, a sexual assault allegation demands more sensitivity than normal considerations about a candidate’s qualifications. Accordingly, the decision makers (i.e. the Senate and the President) should publicly state that a decision to not appoint the candidate is only based on the uncertainty of the situation; it is not a guilty verdict. But being sensitive to the candidate surely does not require making him a Supreme Court justice.
I believe that this entrenchment presents a serious challenge for those who wish to fight Trump’s immigration policies via the courts—especially after the ruling in Trump v. Hawaii. Moreover, Trump’s opponents would be naïve to discount the lethal precedential combination of plenary federal power and preemption.
This two-part blog seeks to briefly trace the origins of modern immigration law, examine the failure of state-based immigration policies during the Obama administration, and predict the likelihood of success for state resistance against Trump’s crackdown on immigration.
In 2002, Nigerian nationals who had been granted asylum in the U.S. sued Dutch and British oil companies in the Southern District of New York. Specifically, the plaintiffs accused the companies of aiding and abetting the Nigerian government in carrying out environmental damage and human rights abuses. During the mid-1990’s, oil accounted for 95% of the Nigeria’s